The history of Brazil is the main theme of the Human Sciences and its Technologies test.
Interpretive ability, connections with Geography, Philosophy and Sociology and analysis from diverse sources are the main skills required of the candidate.
We prepared a selection of 15 questions about the history of Brazil in Enem with commented feedback for you to review and measure your knowledge in this area.
Good study!
question 1
(Enem/2018) The Luso-Brazilian rebellion in Pernambuco began to be hatched in 1644 and exploded on June 13, 1645, the day of Santo Antônio. One of the first measures taken by João Fernandes was to declare null and void the debts that the rebels had with the Dutch. There was great support from the “nobility of the land”, enthusiastic about this heroic proclamation.
VAINFAS, R. Declared war and feigned peace in the Portuguese restoration. Time, no. 27, 2009.
The triggering of this revolt in seventeenth-century Portuguese America was the result of (a)
a) Batavian Protestants' warlike weakness.
b) transatlantic trade from West Africa.
c) financial assistance from Flemish traders.
d) international diplomacy of the Iberian States.
e) economic interest of the planters.
Correct alternative: e) economic interest of the planters.
Attention! The answer to this question is already in the text. Note that he mentions the joy of Luso-Brazilians in having their debts with the Dutch forgiven. Therefore, the planters would return to support the Portuguese because of this economic facility.
a) WRONG. The Dutch, also known as the Batavians, were well armed.
b) WRONG. Trade between Africa and Brazil was not interrupted during the Dutch occupation.
c) WRONG. "Flemish" is a synonym for Dutch. In the text quoted, it is clear who helped with money were the Portuguese and not the Flemish.
d) WRONG. Portugal had already separated from Spain, so there was no interest from the Iberian diplomacy, only from the Portuguese.
question 2
(Enem/2017) I am the natural son of a black woman, free African, from Costa da Mina (Nagô de Nação), named Luíza Mahin, a pagan, who has always refused baptism and Christian doctrine. My mother was short, thin, pretty, the color was a jet black and lackluster, she had teeth as white as snow, she was very haughty, witless, painless. She gave herself to commerce – she was a grocer, very industrious and, more than once, in Bahia, she was arrested on suspicion of being involved in slave insurrection plans, which had no effect.
[AZEVEDO, E. “There goes verse!”: Luiz Gama and Getulino's first burlesque trovas.
In: CHALHOUB, S.; PEREIRA, L. THE. M. The story told: chapters on the social history of literature in Brazil. Rio de Janeiro: Nova Fronteira, 1998, adapted.
In this excerpt of his memoirs, Luiz Gama emphasizes the importance of (as)
a) family solidarity ties.
b) cultural resistance strategies.
c) tribal hierarchization mechanisms.
d) instruments of religious domination.
e) limits on the granting of manumission.
Correct alternative: b) cultural resistance strategies.
The author mentions the strategies for his mother to preserve her identity as black: she was not baptized, nor did she accept catechism and was still targeted by the police for conspiring. All of this was part of the enslaved blacks' strategy to maintain their traditions within a mostly white society.
a) WRONG. The family is not mentioned in this excerpt from Luiz Gama's memoirs.
c) WRONG. No tribe or its hierarchy is mentioned in the citation.
d) WRONG. The refusal of baptism and the fact that Luisa Mahin is a pagan could be confusing, but we see that religion is highlighted from Luisa Mahin's point of view and not as "instruments of religious domination".
e) WRONG. Luísa Mahin was free, so she did not need manumission, which, moreover, is not mentioned in the text.
Question 3
(Enem/2016) The regulation of labor relations comprises a complex structure, in which each element adjusts to the others. The Labor Court is just one of the pieces of this vast mechanism. The presence of class representatives in the composition of the Labor Court bodies is also a result of the assembly of this regulation. Normative power also reflects this characteristic. Established by the Constitution of 1934, the Labor Court only flourished in the political environment of the Estado Novo established in 1937.
ROMITA, A. S. Labor Courts: product of the Estado Novo. In: PANDOLFI, D. (org.). Rethinking the Estado Novo. Rio de Janeiro: FGV, 1999.
The creation of the aforementioned state institution in the historical context discussed had the following objectives:
a) Legitimize factory protests.
b) Order labor disputes.
c) Officialize plural unions.
d) Ensure liberal principles.
e) Unify professional salaries
Correct alternative: b) Order labor disputes
Vargas' labor policy consisted of harmonizing the interests of employers and workers. While enacting labor laws to ensure the support of the population, he favored big business. In this context, the Labor Court was created, which would be the highest body to resolve the offenses committed.
a) WRONG. Labor legislation does not promote the legitimacy of factory protests.
c) WRONG. The Labor Court did not intend to "officialize the plural unions" but rather to regulate the rights of workers and employers.
d) WRONG. Vargas' economic policy was not characterized by being liberal, as it had a strong component of state interventionism.
e) WRONG. The Labor Court did not have jurisdiction over salary issues.
Question 4
(Enem/2014)
TEXT l
The president of the largest circulation newspaper in the country also highlighted the economic advances achieved in those twenty years, but justifying his adhesion to the military in 1964, made clear his belief that the intervention was essential for the maintenance of the democracy.
Available in: http://oglobo.globo.com. Accessed on: 1 set. 2013 (adapted).
TEXT II
Nothing can be put in compensation for the loss of individual freedoms. There is nothing good about accepting an authoritarian solution.
FICO, C. Education and the 1964 coup. Available at: www.brasilrecente.com. Accessed on: 4 Apr. 2014 (adapted).
While emphasizing the defense of democracy, the visions of the 1964 political-military movement diverge in focusing, respectively:
a) Reasons of State – Popular sovereignty.
b) Ordination of the Nation – Religious prerogatives.
c) Imposition of the Armed Forces – Social duties.
d) Regulation of the Judiciary Power – Moral rules.
e) Challenge of the government system – Cultural traditions.
Correct alternative: a) Reasons of State – Popular sovereignty.
An issue where historical knowledge and text interpretation should be used.
The first excerpt argues that the 1964 coup was necessary, as it allowed the state to control society and benefit it economically. For its part, the second text rejects an authoritarian solution and privileges the popular will. Thus, option "a" is the one that contemplates these two aspects.
b) WRONG: Religion is not even mentioned in the passage.
c) WRONG. The intervention of the Armed Forces appears in text I, but social duties are not.
d) WRONG. Neither justice nor moral rules are mentioned in the texts.
e) WRONG. Neither the challenge to the government nor cultural traditions figure in the texts.
question 5
(Enem/2014) The transfer of the court brought the royal family and the government of the Metropolis to Portuguese America. It also brought, and above all, a good part of the Portuguese administrative apparatus. Various personalities and royal officials continued to embark for Brazil after the court, their jobs and their relatives after the year 1808.
NOVAIS, F. THE.; ALENCASTRO, L. F. (Org.). History of private life in Brazil. São Paulo: Company of Letters, 1997.
The facts presented relate to the process of independence of Portuguese America as they have
a) encouraged the popular cry for freedom.
b) weakened the pact of metropolitan domination.
c) motivated slave revolts against the colonial elite.
d) obtained the support of the Portuguese constitutionalist group.
e) provoked the separatist movements of the provinces.
Correct alternative: b) weakened the pact of metropolitan domination.
The arrival of the metropolitan administration in Portuguese America made the colonial elite feel that it was possible to administer the State and exempt the Portuguese from the government. He also cooperated in the legal equality between Brazil and Portugal in 1815.
a) WRONG. The transfer of the Court, by itself, did not influence the search for freedom in relation to Portugal.
c) WRONG. There were no slave revolts provoked by the transfer of the Court.
d) WRONG. The Portuguese constitutionalist group did not support the independence of Brazil.
e) WRONG. This fact did not provoke separatist movements in the provinces.
See too: The coming of the Royal Family to Brazil
Question 6
(Enem/2014) The central problem to be solved by the New Regime was the organization of another power pact that could replace the imperial arrangement with a sufficient degree of stability. President Campos Sales himself clearly summarized his objective: “It is from there, from the states, that the Republic is governed, above the agitated crowds that riot in the streets of the Union capital. The policy of states is national policy”.
(OAK, J. M. The Bestialized: Rio de Janeiro and the Republic that was not. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1987 (adapted).)
In this quote, the president of Brazil at the time expresses a political strategy towards
a) govern with popular adhesion.
b) attract the support of regional oligarchies.
c) granting greater autonomy to city halls.
d) democratize the power of the central government.
e) expand the capital's influence on the national scene.
Correct alternative: b) attract the support of regional oligarchies.
The question clearly portrays the power that the states, not the central government, had in Brazil. In this way, President Campo Sales affirms that he needs the support of the governors to be able to govern Brazil, in the phenomenon known as "governors' policy".
a) WRONG. The speech is aimed at state elites and not at the people.
c) WRONG. This attitude was the opposite of what was happening and there was no concession of power to city halls.
d) WRONG. The democratization of central power did not take place, as it was divided by state elites.
e) WRONG. There was also no expansion of the capital on the national scene.
Question 7
(Enem/2017) Getúlio freed the people, and it's 8 hours of work and that's it. He didn't have to work day and night anymore. Getúlio made the laws. Princess Isabel signed the release, but the one who freed us from the yoke of slavery, from the whip, from the trunk, was Getúlio, Getúlio Dornelles Vargas. Dad used to say: “My son. There has never been a government like this in the world, my son.” Report by Cornélio Cancino, 82 years old, descendant of former slaves, Juiz de Fora (MG), 9 May 1995.
In: MATTOS, H.; RIOS, A. L. (Org.). Memories of captivity: family, work and citizenship in the post-Abolition period. Rio de Janeiro: Brazilian Civilization, 2005 (adapted).
The construction of memory presented in the text refers to the following aspect of the aforementioned political experience:
a) Elevation of the feeling of the country, linked to the consolidation of democracy.
b) Strengthening of the official ideology, limited to the size of the school.
c) Legitimation of party coalitions, linked to the use of radio.
d) Establishment of social rights, associated with State propaganda.
e) Development of public services, submitted to the direction of the colonels.
Correct alternative: d) Establishment of social rights, associated with State propaganda.
A question that requires from the candidate not only historical knowledge, but also interpretive capacity. The enactment of labor laws, under the Getúlio Vargas government, would forever enter the historical imagination of Brazil and erase negative aspects such as the lack of elections and censorship.
a) WRONG. The passage does not mention the patriotic feeling and there was no consolidation of democracy in this period.
b) WRONG. Despite the reinforcement of the official ideology in the Vargas period, there is no mention of school in the deponent's speech.
c) WRONG: There were no political parties during the Estado Novo.
e) WRONG. Coronelismo was dismantled, in part, by Getúlio Vargas during his government.
Question 8
(Enem/2017) An area of about 101.7 thousand square meters, with a railway yard and a series of sugar warehouses abandoned by the government. Those who look from the outside only see this, but those who know the history of Cais José Estelita know that the place is part of the history of Recife, being one of the postcards and one of the few public spaces that remain in the capital Pernambuco.
And that's why a group is fighting to prevent the buildings from being demolished by a consortium of major construction companies to build commercial and residential buildings.
BUENO, C. Occupy Estelita: social and cultural movement defends Recife's historic landmark. Science and Culture, no. 4, 2014.
The form of action of the reported social movement evidences its search for
a) economic revitalization of the place.
b) expansion of consumption power.
c) preservation of material heritage.
d) intensification of job creation.
e) creation of spaces for self-segregation.
Correct alternative: c) preservation of material heritage.
The expansion of cities brings with it the destruction of ancient buildings that tell their story. In this way, the group meets to prevent part of this milestone from disappearing due to real estate speculation.
a) WRONG. The group's intentions are against the economic revitalization of the area as proposed by the construction companies.
b) WRONG. The objective is not to increase consumption, but rather to preserve the city's history.
d) WRONG. There is no proposal to increase employment in the quoted passage.
e) WRONG. The group's purpose is to create a democratic space through the preservation of history and not self-segregation.
Question 9
(Enem/2017) After returning from a trip to Minas Gerais, where Pedro I was received with great coldness, his supporters prepared a series of demonstrations in favor of the emperor in Rio de Janeiro, setting fires and lighting fixtures in the city. However, on the night of March 11, the conflicts that became known as the Noite das Garrafadas began, during which the “Brazilians” extinguished the “Portuguese” bonfires and attacked the lighted houses, being answered with broken bottles thrown from the windows.
VAINFAS, R. (Org.). Dictionary of Imperial Brazil. Rio de Janeiro: Objective, 2008 (adapted).
The final years of the First Reign (1822-1831) were characterized by increased political tension. In this sense, the analysis of the episodes described in Minas Gerais and Rio de Janeiro reveals
a) stimuli to racism.
b) support for xenophobia.
c) criticism of federalism.
d) repudiation of republicanism.
e) questions to authoritarianism.
Correct alternative: e) questions to authoritarianism.
With the centralization of power in Dom Pedro I and the dynastic crisis for the Portuguese throne, Brazilians passed to question the increasingly centralizing actions of the monarch by expressing his discontent with violence.
Thus, they receive Dom Pedro I coldly in Minas Gerais and attacking the Portuguese in Rio de Janeiro.
s) WRONG. The text has no mention of racism, as the fights were more ideologically motivated.
b) WRONG: Xenophobia means hatred of foreigners and this is not the case in the text. Note that the word Portuguese is in quotation marks, indicating that this is more a political category than a nationality.
c) WRONG. Federalism was a political current that was not defended by Dom Pedro I, so it cannot be this alternative.
d) WRONG. The republican option was not criticized, because at the time it practically did not exist,
Question 10
(Enem/2012) Faced with these inconsistencies and others that still concern public opinion, we journalists are forwarding this document to the Union of Professional Journalists in the State of São Paulo, so that it can be delivered to the Justice; and from Justice, we expect the realization of new steps capable of leading to the complete elucidation of these facts and others that may come to be raised.
In the name of truth. In: The State of São Paulo, 3 Feb. 1976. Apud. SON, I. THE. Brazil, 500 years in documents. Rio de Janeiro: Mauad, 1999.
The death of journalist Vladimir Herzog, which occurred during the military regime, in 1975, led to measures such as the petition made by professionals in the São Paulo press. The analysis of this measure taken indicates the
a) certainty of compliance with laws.
b) overcoming the government of exception.
c) violence by left-wing terrorists.
d) punishment of police torturers.
e) expectation of the investigation of the culprits.
Correct alternative: e) expectation of the investigation of the culprits.
One more question where you don't need historical knowledge to answer it, but the ability to interpret the text. Here, journalists hope that the justice system - even limited by the military dictatorship - will know how to fulfill its role and investigate the death of Herzog.
a) WRONG. "Certainty" in this text would be exaggerated, as journalists are hopeful that justice will be done.
b) WRONG. Journalists don't talk about politics in the above passage.
c) WRONG. Herzog was not assassinated by leftist terrorists.
d) WRONG. The "punishment of police torturers" is not mentioned, as the text is a request that the case be investigated by the courts.
Question 11
(Enem/2010) This measure, decreed by Prince D. João de Bragança practically eliminated the exclusive metropolitan area on the Colony's commerce, making a mortal blow to the Portuguese Colonial Pact, in addition to being the first major step towards the effective independence of the Brazil. It is (o):
a) Opening of Brazilian Ports to Friendly Nations.
b) Cry of Ipiranga.
c) Industrial Freedom Permit.
d) Elevation of Brazil to the category of United Kingdom to Portugal and Algarves.
e) Foundation of Banco do Brasil.
Correct alternative: a) Opening of Brazilian Ports to Friendly Nations.
The Opening of Ports, in 1808, meant the end of the commercial monopoly between Brazil and Portugal and, therefore, the end of the Colonial Pact.
b) WRONG: The Grito do Ipiranga is an episode related to the Independence of Brazil.
c) WRONG. The Industrial Freedom Permit is not directly related to trade between nations, but to an internal determination.
d) WRONG. The elevation of Brazil to the United Kingdom was a consequence of the end of the colonial pact, that is, the opening of ports to friendly nations.
e) WRONG. The creation of Banco do Brasil is also a consequence and not the cause of the end of the colonial pact in a territory that can already be considered autonomous.
Question 12
(Enem/2012) According to a recent study, in Bahia, between 1680 and 1797, of 160 daughters born in 53 prominent families, more than 77% were sent to convents, 5% remained single and only 14 were got married. Considering that, in the colonial period, even among free people, the male population was greater than the female population, these data suggest that...
a) planters did not let their daughters marry people of lower social and economic status.
b) among rich women, religious devotion was more intense and fervent than among poor women.
c) white men preferred to maintain their sexual freedom rather than submit to the despotism of the planters.
d) life in the colony was so unbearable for women that they preferred to wear the habit of nuns in the Metropolis.
e) colonial society was guided by moral standards that favored sex and beauty rather than status and wealth.
Correct alternative: a) planters did not let their daughters marry people of lower social and economic status.
Colonial society was too stratified and for it to remain that way, the lords of mill preferred their daughters to go to a convent than marry someone from another level. Social.
b) WRONG. At this time, the entrance to the convent could have been more by social convention than by religious devotion.
c) WRONG. Regardless of contracting marriage or not, white men maintained their sexual freedom and, therefore, marriage would not be an impediment to it.
d) WRONG. The roles reserved for white women in colonial society were few. If they did not marry, the only way to maintain their social status was to enter religious life.
e) WRONG. Colonial society privileged status and wealth.
Question 13
(Enem/2006) Modern Brazilian democracy was built between leaps and bounds. In 1954, the crisis culminated in President Vargas' suicide. The following year, another crisis almost prevented the inauguration of the elected president, Juscelino Kubitschek. In 1961, Brazil almost reached civil war after the unexpected resignation of President Jânio Quadros. Three years later, a military coup deposed President João Goulart, and the country lived for twenty years under an authoritarian regime.
Based on this information, relating to Brazilian republican history, check the correct option:
a) At the end of the João Goulart government, Juscelino Kubitschek was elected President of the Republic.
b) The resignation of Jânio Quadros represented the first major crisis of the Brazilian republican regime.
c) After two decades of military government, Getúlio Vargas was elected president in direct elections.
d) The tragic death of Vargas determined the end of João Goulart's political career.
e) In the republican period mentioned, successively, a president died, one had his inauguration challenged, one resigned and another was deposed.
Correct alternative: e) In the republican period mentioned, successively, a president died, one had his inauguration challenged, one resigned and another was deposed.
The answer is already in the statement of the question. In 1954, Getúlio Vargas committed suicide, JK had to face a rebellion before taking office, Jânio Quadros resigned and Jango was deposed by the military.
a) WRONG. Jango did not finish his term because of the military coup in 1964.
b) WRONG. The Republic's first major crisis occurred in the second year of the regime when Deodoro fell out with the Chamber of Deputies.
c) WRONG. Vargas was not elected after two military governments, but after the mandate of Eurico Gaspar Dutra.
d) WRONG. On the contrary, because Vargas' death marks Goulart's political rise.
Question 14
(ENEM-2004) Constitution of 1824: “Art. 98. The Moderating Power is the key to the entire political organization, and it is privately delegated to the Emperor (…) to incessantly watch over its maintenance of Independence, balance, and harmony of the other political powers (...) dissolving the Chamber of Deputies in cases where the salvation of the State."
Frei Caneca: “The Moderating Power of the new Machiavellian invention is the master key to the oppression of the Brazilian nation and the strongest garrote of peoples' freedom. Through it, the emperor can dissolve the Chamber of Deputies, which is the representative of the people, always remaining in the enjoyment of its rights the Senate, which is the representative of the emperor's cronies.” (Vote on the oath of the project of Constitution)
For Frei Caneca, the Moderating Power defined by the Constitution granted by the Emperor in 1824 was
a) suitable for the functioning of a constitutional monarchy, as the senators were chosen by the Emperor.
b) effective and responsible for the freedom of peoples, because it guaranteed the representation of society in the two spheres of the legislative power.
c) arbitrary, because it allowed the Emperor to dissolve the Chamber of Deputies, the representative power of society.
d) neutral and weak, especially in times of crisis, as it was unable to control the deputies representing the Nation.
e) able to respond to the political demands of the nation, as it made up for the deficiencies of political representation.
Correct alternative: c) arbitrary, because it allowed the Emperor to dissolve the Chamber of Deputies, the representative power of society.
The Moderating Power was criticized because it was an instrument that could be used exclusively by the Emperor, albeit in exceptional cases. Therefore, he was seen as authoritarian by people like Frei Caneca.
a) WRONG. First, senators were indirectly elected by each of the provinces, and then a list of three names was forwarded to the emperor. Only then were they chosen by him.
b) WRONG. This thought was that of the Emperor who really saw the Moderating Power as something advantageous for Brazil. However, people like Frei Caneca thought that this was proof of the authoritarianism of Dom Pedro I.
d) WRONG. The Moderating Power was an instrument to be used in moments of political crisis.
e) WRONG. Frei Caneca did not opine that the Moderating Power was used for the benefit of the nation, as expressed in his statement.
See too: first reign
Question 15
(Enem/2000) The text below was taken from a chronicle by Machado de Assis and refers to the work of a slave. “One day the war in Paraguay began and lasted for five years, João pealed and doubled, doubled and pealed for the dead and for the victories. When the free womb of slaves was decreed, John was the one who rose. When complete abolition was carried out, it was João who rose. One day the Republic was proclaimed. João chirped for her, he would chime for the Empire, if the Empire returned.” (AX, Assis de. Chronicle about the death of the slave João, 1897)
Reading the text allows us to state that the bell ringer João:
a) because he was a slave, he secretly rang the bells when facts linked to Abolition occurred.
b) he could not ring the bells for the return of the Empire, since he was a slave.
c) he rang the bells for the Republic, proclaimed by the abolitionists who came to free him.
d) he rang the bells when important events occurred because it was customary to do so.
e) he rang the bells for the return of the Empire, commemorating the return of Princess Isabel.
Correct alternative: d) he rang the bells when important events occurred because it was customary to do so.
a) WRONG. The slave João rang the bell on several occasions, not only to facts related to Abolition.
b) WRONG. The Empire didn't return, so he couldn't ring the bell.
c) WRONG. Just as João played for the Paraguay War, he would also play for the Republic, which was an important fact.
e) WRONG. Princess Isabel never returned to Brazil, as she died in exile.
Continues to ask more questions and check out some texts about Enem:
- History in Enem
- Enem questions
- Simulated Enem (questions commented by experts)
- History Questions in Enem
- Questions about social movements
- Questions about the First World War
- Industrial Revolution Questions
- Questions about globalization
- Questions about WWII
