João Goulart was the 24th president of Brazil and his government lasted from September 1961 to April 1964. Well known as Jango, the politician from Rio Grande do Sul assumed the presidency after the resignation of Jânio Quadros, in a scenario of great political crisis. João Goulart's government was one of the most troubled in republican history of our country.
João Goulart's government can be divided into phasesparliamentarian It is presidential. Its main events are related to the discussion around the Basic Reforms, structural reforms proposals by the president, and the coup plot, which took place during Jango's term and resulted in his removal by middle of Civil-Military Coup of 1964.
Loginalso: Artur Costa e Silva, the military president who sanctioned the AI-5
Context
Jango's government is inserted in the period of Fourth Republic (1946 to 1964) and became known as the Brazil's first democratic experience. It was a time of popular unrest, greater public involvement in politics, economic growth, and urbanization.
The ongoing transformations in Brazil reflected directly on the political debate, and the expansion of demands policies for democratizing policies made this period one of the most politically agitated in our country. history. A clear demonstration of this was the growth of political parties in an unprecedented dimension until then.
The demands of the population gave rise to social movements that demanded what was right of Brazilians. UnionsinworkersurbanIt isrural they spread in significant numbers throughout the country and led the struggle of urban workers for better conditions. O movementstudent also gained strength in the defense of democracy, social equality and improvement of the school system in Brazil.
During this period, it was consolidated with great political force the laborism — political ideology, developed by Getulio Vargas in the 1940s, which proposed the integration of workers into political discourse, as well as measures that promoted a certain social equality through State action.
This political project focused on the party created by Vargas in 1945, the Brazilian Labor Party (PTB), and gained strength throughout the 1940s, 1950s and 1960s. This statement can be proven through data that point to a substantial growth in the PTB vote and in the number of deputies elected by that party throughout the Fourth Republic.
In opposition to the growth of the labor project was the National Democratic Union (UDN), a conservative party that acted throughout the Fourth Republic to stop the advance of labor agendas and social rights, and that used the coup d'état as a political weapon. The UDN was directly related to the Civil-Military Coup that overthrew Jango, in 1964, and started a dictatorship in Brazil.
possession of Jango
As mentioned, the expansion of the labor political project (of which Jango was part) was accompanied by the growth of a conservative agenda headed by the UDN. Jango had already come under considerable pressure from the military and conservatives during the second government of Getúlio Vargas, and, in 1961, a new event put the spotlight on him.
In 1961, Goulart was vice president of Brazil and was on a diplomatic mission to China, by order of President Jânio Quadros. On August 24, the president announced his resignation from the presidency as part of a strategy aimed at self strike. Jânio's strategy failed, and the controversy focused on the inauguration of the vice-president, João Goulart.
Immediately, military ministers announced that if Goulart stepped onto Brazilian soil to take office as president, he would be arrested. This started a serious political crisis that lasted two weeks and left Brazil on the margins of an warcivil. What conservatives and the military wanted was for Goulart to be prevented from assuming the presidency.
However, this desire of conservatives and the military was seen as coup, since the Brazilian legislation, in the light of the Constitution of 1946, stipulated that the inauguration of the presidency should be transmitted to the vice president. Thus, the possession of João Goulart was legal. The labor politician even considered resigning so that a new election could be invited, but the military's attitude convinced him to resist and fight for ownership.
The action of the military and conservatives to prevent the inauguration of João Goulart mobilized groups from the left in favor of defending Jango, and the highlight goes to the performance of Leonelbrizola, governor of Rio Grande do Sul, brother-in-law of João Goulart and one of the most important figures of Brazilian labor at the time.
Leonel Brizola headed the Legality Campaign, which spread across the country to defend João Goulart's inauguration. Brizola instructed Jango to return to Brazil and promised armed resistance to secure possession of his brother-in-law. He barricaded himself in the Piratini Palace, the seat of government in Rio Grande do Sul, and made speeches via radio defending Jango's inauguration.
Brizola's performance ensured international support in defense of Goulart, in addition to popular support. Historian Jorge Ferreira says that the Central Committee of the Democratic Resistance Movement had 45,000 volunteers, who, armed, pledged to fight for said possession|1|. Finally, Brizola and Jango received support from the Third Army, a group made up of around 40,000 soldiers.|2|.
The possibility of civil war during this crisis was real. The headquarters of the Legality Campaign, the Piratini Palace, in Porto Alegre, ran the risk of being bombed by military troops who defended the coup's exit. The solution found by Congress was to send Tancredo Neves to Uruguay, where Jango was, in order to offer him the presidency since in a parliamentary regime, in which the powers of the president are reduced.
The agreement took place, and João Goulart assumed the presidency on the day September 7, 1961. He was the first and only president in our history to govern within a parliamentary system.
Jango in the presidency
João Goulart's government can be divided into two phases: the parliamentary one, from September 1961 to January 1963; and the presidential one, from January 1963 to April 1964, when his government was interrupted by the Civil-Military Coup.
parliamentary phase
Parliamentarianism lasted for 14 months of government de Jango and was abandoned when the population expressed its desire for presidentialism in the plebiscite held in January 1963. João Goulart had his role neutralized due to the limitations that the parliamentary system imposed on the president.
Parliamentarianism in Brazil was considerably unstable, and this was symbolized by the short duration of ministerial offices. Altogether, our country had three prime ministers, who were:
Tancredosnows (Sept./1961 to Jun./1962)
Francisco de Paula Brochado da Rocha (Jun./1962 to Sep./1962)
Hermesinlime (Sept./1962 to Jan./1963)
In that first moment of government, João Goulart had a real dimension of the problems that the country was suffering, since the Brazil's indebtedness was serious and social pressure for improvements in living conditions was ever greater. In the context of his tenure, peasants and students were the two most radicalized groups, an indication of the serious problems existing in these areas.
Another element of tension was the inflation, which increasingly pressured the income of middle and lower class workers. Finally, João Goulart should balance Brazilian politics, ensuring the satisfaction of his opponents: the UDN conservatives and the military, both avid for the coup.
The parliamentary phase witnessed the negotiations of the president with the United States to solve the Brazilian debts, but they were not successful, since the North Americans were afraid of the directions that the government of João Goulart would take. The President of the United States, john kennedy, gave permission for the US secret service to destabilize Brazil in order to ensure Jango's overthrow.
At foreign policy, João Goulart continued the policy independent of his predecessor. Goulart defended a third way that would not oblige Brazil to necessarily align itself either with the North Americans or with the Soviets. He maintained good relations with both sides and refused to ratify the sanctions imposed by the United States on Cuba at the Punta del Este Conference in 1962.
Relations with the United States worsened with other measures taken by the Jango government, such as the nationalization of iron mines, located in the state of Minas Gerais. Leonel Brizola, in turn, expropriated a North American telephone service company in the state of Rio Grande do Sul.
Still in 1962, the Jango government ratified the Profit Remittance Law, a project that defined that foreign companies could send abroad only 10% of their annual profit. Brazil was under intense pressure from the US ambassador for this law not to be sanctioned, since it harmed the economic interests of US companies in our country.
All these events soured relations between the United States and Brazil. With that, the Americans chose to support a conservative and coup movement, in order to weaken and, consequently, overthrow João Goulart. In 1962, in addition to the North Americans, the group of Brazilian civilians and military acted for the coup.
The last point to be made concerns the anticipation ofplebiscite which would decide whether Brazil would remain in parliamentary system or return to presidential system. This plebiscite was scheduled to take place in 1965, in the last year of João Goulart's government, however, it was brought forward and held in January 1963. The population decided, with 82% of the votes, for a return to presidentialism.
presidential phase
Once reinstated to presidential powers, João Goulart launched a program of reforms strongly defended by the Brazilian left in the early 1960s. The left wanted a broad program of structural reforms that would combat Brazil's historical obstacles.
Thus, the great highlight of the government during the presidential phase were the debates of the Basic Reforms, a program of reforms in the following areas: agrarian, tributary, educational, urban, electoral It is banking. The first major debate took place on the issue of land reform, and that's what stopped Jango's government.
The debate on agrarian reform was driven by the leaguespeasant women, an organization of peasants that was formed in the 1950s to fight for rural workers' access to land. In the political sphere, the debate was intense, and in the countryside, violence proliferated when landowners attacked unionized rural workers.
The debate was stalled by the issue of indemnity to those who would have lands over 500 hectares expropriated. Landowners, the UDN and the PSD demanded that compensation be carried out in cash and in cash. The government, in turn, only accepted compensation through public debt securities that underwent monetary correction.
With no way out, the debate stalled and Jango's support waned. Little by little, elements of the PSD, a traditional ally of the PTB and Labor, withdrew their support for the government. Jango was in a complicated situation, as he had to deal with leftists committed to carrying out their reforms and a right wing eager for a coup. In the middle of all this were the military divided between the left and the right.
Loginalso: Getúlio Vargas – one of the most famous politicians in Brazilian history
scam
The far-right coup was a threat that surrounded Brazilian politics during the Fourth Republic. Getulio Vargas, JK and João Goulart himself had felt firsthand the effects of the coup d'état by that extreme right, which was concentrated in the UDN. The great exponent of this group was Carloslacerda, elected governor of Guanabara (state created in 1960 and which corresponded to the city of Rio de Janeiro after the transfer of the capital to Brasília).
The conspiracy for the coup was born as soon as João Goulart took office as president of Brazil and brought together different groups, whether civilian or military. Like this, big onesbusinessmen met with great names of the Armed Forces and financed and supported by the United States, conspired to overthrow Goulart. The Civil-Military Coup of 1964 was the result of this conspiracy.
An indication of this occurred in 1962, when the Brazilian Institute of Democratic Action (IBAD) financed hundreds of candidacies of state and federal deputies and governors with a conservative bias. The money used by Ibad was made available by the CIA, American intelligence. This was a demonstration that the United States was not satisfied with the government of João Goulart and wanted to destabilize Brazilian politics to ensure a political scenario of greater subservience to the interests North Americans.
Ibad's action was discovered, and the institution was closed by corruptionelectoral after a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry (CPI) confirmed the irregularities committed. Ibad was not the only institution that acted secretly to destabilize João Goulart's government, there was also the Institute of Research and Social Studies (Ipes).
Ipes was made up of people from the large Brazilian business community, representatives of foreign companies, journalists and the military who worked to create an extensive narrative against the government, appealing to a anti-communist speech. To this end, didactic and audiovisual materials were produced and events were organized with a view to spreading this conservative bias.
In addition, Ipes served as a space for the military and the large business community to meet in order to architect the plan to overthrow João Goulart and form a new government that would guarantee to serve the economic interests foreigners. In addition, the aim was to ensure the economic development of the country based on a platformconservative It is authoritative. It was, therefore, a long-term project of political domination of Brazil.
In addition press campaign against the government by João Goulart was relentless, like the newspapers O Globo, Jornal do Brasil and Folha de S. Paulo, and Tupi and Globo stations. The media played a crucial role in spreading the campaign that defended the removal of João Goulart through a coup.
The approach of the military and the business community in the conspiracy against João Goulart was part of an ideology conveyed by the Higher School of War (ESG), an institution that emerged within the Armed Forces (FFAA), which preached this combination as a guarantee of Brazil's economic development.
Historically, such an ideology within the FFAA reinforced a domination of politics by the military through an authoritarian posture. In the context of Cold War, this idea was reinforced, and the fight against an “internal enemy” he turned to labor and left-wing groups, contrary to the conservative and authoritarian agenda.
Also access:Tonelero Street Attack – the assassination attempt on Carlos Lacerda
political radicalization
The Brazilian scenario, as we can see, was one of radicalization. Groups on the right plotted a coup and the implementation of an authoritarian regime, and groups on the left argued that the debated reforms should be implemented anyway.
João Goulart governed in a very difficult situation and could not waver or show weakness in the position of president. However, he faltered on two occasions, and this damaged his position and his image. The first case occurred with the Sergeants Rebellion, and the second, with the state of siege proposal.
In September 1963, around 600 military personnel from the FFAA rebelled against the decision of the STF that prohibited them from running for political office in the 1962 elections. This rebellion took place in Brasilia, taking over important points in the city and imprisoning the minister of the STF and the president of the Chamber. The movement was quickly quelled, but it showed that conquering the capital was easy and demonstrated the president's weakness when he did not pronounce on the subject.
The proposed state of siege took place in October 1963. Jango was instructed by military ministers to declare a state of siege because of Carlos Lacerda's statements to an American journalist. In the interview, Lacerda accused Jango of being totalitarian, called on the US to intervene in the situation in Brazil, in addition to stating that the military was debating what to do with the president.
The ministers who guided Jango to decree a state of siege wanted to use this mechanism to arrest Carlos Lacerda for his statements. The president reflected on the request and forwarded it to Congress for approval.
João Goulart was criticized both by the right, who accused him of plotting a coup, and by the left, who believed that this measure would lead to the repression of social movements. Even Leonel Brizola criticized this act by João Goulart, and days later, the president withdrew the request for a state of siege.
Loginalso: How many coups have occurred in the history of Brazil since its independence?
Civil-Military Coup
In 1964, João Goulart's situation was complicated, and he decided to bet. Opted for take a left lane and called a rally to assure the population of their commitment to the Basic Reforms. that was the Central do Brasil Rally, held on March 13, 1964. The announcement that the president would reinforce his support for agrarian reform caused Jango's large allied group, the PSD, to break with the presidency.
The Central do Brasil Rally sealed the fate of João Goulart. Jorge Ferreira says that this speech “unified the right-wing conspirators, civil and military, in their actions to overthrow the president, and also acted among the liberals, casting among them serious suspicions about Goulart's real intentions”|3|.
The reaction of conservative groups to the president's attitude was immediate, and, on March 19, the Family March with God for Freedom, which had the participation of around 500,000 people, a significant part of the population. The march expressed the fear that people had of the supposed “communist threat” and advocated the carrying out of a coup by the military.
At the end of March, a navy revolt broke out and the president granted amnesty to all involved. This irritated the military because, in their view, the amnesty for those involved in the rebellion sent the message of disrespect for the hierarchy and discipline of the military. Jango's image with the military was definitely damaged.
The military, led by Humberto Castello Branco, planned to seize power in mid-April, starting a military rebellion that would count on the US military support, if necessary. The crisis in military circles was so intense that the coup came out of nowhere and came without planning.
At dawn on March 31, 1964, the General Olímpio Mourao, commander of the 4th Military Region, in Juiz de Fora, started a rebellion. Troops led by him left for Rio de Janeiro with the intention of deposing João Goulart from the presidency. The state of Minas Gerais had rebelled against the president, and its governor, Magalhães Pinto, supported the military rebellion.
João Goulart had possibilities to resist and end the rebellion, but decided not to resist to avoid bloodshed, and the coup leaders easily took power. Furthermore, there was no resistance from any of the left groups most influential in Brazil. The Peasant Leagues, the Communist Party, the General Command of Workers and Leonel Brizola did not even show a reaction.
The action of the military continued for the following days and led to the Deposition of João Goulart presidency through a parliamentary session chaired by Auro de Moura. A few days later, the General Humberto Castello Branco was elected president of Brazil, and the military already set the tone for what would be the next 21 years for Brazil: opponents were persecuted, politicians were impeached and the torture was consolidated as a practice.
Those who expected that the coup would only be transitory, such as Carlos Lacerda, Magalhães Pinto, Ademar de Barros and others, were frustrated. The military did not want to relinquish power, and the support given by these politicians to the coup turned against some of them. Then the military instituted the Institutional Act No. 1: It was the beginning of the Military Dictatorship.
Loginalso: AI-5, one of the worst decrees instituted during the Military Dictatorship
Grades
|1| FERREIRA, Jorge. João Goulart: a biography. Rio de Janeiro: Brazilian Civilization, 2014. P. 236.
|2| SCHWARCZ, Lilia Moritz and STARLING, Heloísa Murgel. Brazil: a biography. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 2015. P. 435.
|3| FERREIRA, Jorge. João Goulart: a biography. Rio de Janeiro: Brazilian Civilization, 2014. P. 429.
image credits
[1] FGV/CPDOC
By Daniel Neves
History teacher
Source: Brazil School - https://brasilescola.uol.com.br/historiab/governo-joao-goulart.htm